The Classical Mediterranean, its Prehistoric Past and the
Formation of Europe(1) by

R. Ross Holloway 

      The most recent discovery to emphasize the interconnections of the Aegean and central Mediterranean at the dawn of the Bronze Age was made at Messina in 1991. During the excavation of a settlement of the Piano Conte Culture there was found a small grey schist figurine of the so-called "violin" type (Fig. 1)(2). Although this piece is unique in Italy or Sicily, such objects are well known in Anatolia and the Aegean at this period. Thus, there is little question that the figurine was imported, even though the stone is a common one, found in Calabria as well as in regions to the east. Is this object then a curiosity that has strayed far from its home to a foreign shore where no one would have understood it or valued it? Or is it the signal that the central Mediterranean, the Aegean and western Anatolia were fundamentally unified, although in a way not emphasized by the archaeological record? The purpose of this paper is to argue that there is a fundamental unity to this area. The sea was the essential unifier of this region of villages. And as important as the villages were the federal sanctuaries which gave the Aegean and Italian communities the ability to act in union. These leagues or amphictionies became first the basis of Greek survival and then of the Roman commonwealth. Indeed, they are the forerunners of the modern democratic state, the roots of which thus lie deep in prehistory.
Fig. 1. Grey schist figurine from Messina.
     Before turning to the implications of the figurine from Messina, let us consider some limitations of archaeological evidence in amswering questions that are frequently in our minds. Every archaeologist is a student of social history. Indeed we have been repeatedly told so over the past four decades, generally by false prophets, whose solutions to our natural desire to write history from the mute evidence of the past consisted of an array of mechanical models and circuit boards. That a new generation of prophets has arisen, with different messages but no less self confidence, merely emphasizes the depth of this yearning(3). But having avoided the worst pitfalls of abstraction and the lowest depths of the intellectual narcissism that has followed, we must also avoid limiting our vision of the past only to the surviving material evidence without acknowledging that the objects are also pointers to technology -- and thus to verbally transmitted knowledge -- to traditions -- and thus to social continuity -- to both utility and display -- and thus not only to the working life of a community but also to creativity and the diplomacy of men's relations with neighbors and gods at home and foreigners over the horizon. To keep in mind what is superficially missing in the physical record but was present in its creation opens our eyes to many things that in a literate society would be recorded but that with the judicious use of imagination can be recaptured even in the absence of the written word(4)
       The notion that strong but largely unseen ties bound the Aegean and the central Mediterranean during the entire Bronze Age does not come easily to the prehistorians who work in the area. In the modern scholars' discussions of Mycenean outreach, Sicily and Italy, more often than not, play the same role as Bronze Age Germany and France(5). Two opposing factors operate in such situations. Pottery style becomes the standard of cultural identity, splitting larger unities along the lines of craft production while at the same time the organization of archaeology within modern national boundaries exercises a contrary influence. But if one follows the logic of pottery classification blindly, the Corinthians and the Athenians and the Aeginetans of the seventh century B.C. were different peoples. even though they spoke the same language, with some dialectical variants, could read the writing in each others' alphabets, worshipped divinities under the same names and were admitted to the same Panhellenic Sanctuaries. 


       On the other hand we find the influence of national boundaries, national archaeology and foreign archaeologists with lifelong attachments to one country propels thinking and writing in the opposite direction. Thus we find a Greek neolithic reaching from Macedonia to Cape Malia if not beyond, and including cultures with unrelated pottery styles and much that should be considered in company with the Balkans. The classical period is affected by deepseated prejudices. Architecture is surely that branch of Greek archaeology of which Italy and Sicily have preserved the majority of the standing monuments of the sixth and fifth centuries. But reading the introduction to William Bell Dinsmoor's standard treatment of the subject one realizes that in the author's view Greek architecture was the product of Greece within its modern boundaries(6)
        Our sense of division between the Aegean and the Central Mediterranean is also heightened by what happened in historical times. The Greeks actively colonized southern Italy and Sicily beginning in the eighth century. Following the first two Punic Wars, the Romans' eastern policy moved in the other direction. And before either of these developments came about Myceneans can be seen pushing west. But in fact, such penetration and struggle only mirror at large scale the history of intrusion and reconfiguration found both in Greece and Italy. The populations of Greece were radically shifted after the close of the Bronze Age, resulting in the distribution of dialects found in the historical period. Athenian cleruchies did in the Aegean what Greek colonists did in the west. And in Italy the spread of speakers of Latin and related languages disturbed the old linguistic order of the peninsula just as much as Etruscan expansion, the Gaulic invasions and the Oscan diaspora affected its political destinies(7)


        In the context of the third millennium as a whole, the Messina violin-type figurine is not unique. For some time evidence has existed that suggests interchange on two levels, first, that of transfer of technology, second that of formalized relationships between individuals in the two areas. 
       The evidence for both was set out by the present author some years ago, but it bears repeating, even if only in summary(8). The tombs of the Gaudo Culture in Campania have provided important evidence for the practice of early bronze metallurgy, based on the alloying of copper with arsenic rather than tin, in third-millennium Italy(9). The rapid diffusion of this technological breakthrough in the Mediterranean and adjacent regions is in itself one of the surest indications of sea-borne communication at this time. And it is a sea borne cargo that functions through human agents and can function perfectly well through agents unaccompanied by objects, belonging as it does to the realm of ideas and technology rather goods and materials(10)
        But there is more to the evidence from the tombs of the Gaudo Culture. This is evidence of a phenomenon all too frequently overlooked by archaeologists but familiar to any student of a manuscript tradition. It is the phenomenon of the missing archetype. In the case of any Greek or Roman text, a group of manuscripts sharing common errors implies a common archetype. Even if not physically preserved, the archetype is none the less certain. This is a principle that can be applied to the pottery of the Gaudo tombs. In a number of cases the shapes of these vessels faithfully mirror those of silver vessels from the Aegean, Anatolia and the Near East of the same period. Furthermore, the lightly incised decoration of the Gaudo vessels would be natural for silver, where tarnish would make the decoration stand out, but not for pottery, where its marks are difficult to see under any conditions. These factors strongly suggest the existence of missing prototypes. These are the silver vessels of Aegean or Near Eastern origin which were imported into Italy in the third millennium. The vessels themselves have vanished, but the Gaudo pottery proves that they must have existed(11)
Fig. 2. Bone plaque from Troy (after H. Schliemann, Ilios, 1881).

      These cases document the exchange of technology and a commerce in precious materials. It is possible to go further and document the human bonds which underlay both kinds of interaction. Our evidence is a group of objects, the first of which was found by Schliemann at Troy (Fig. 2)(12). Schliemann's "very curious object" was 11 cm. long, spatula in shape being 2 cm. wide at the heel. Like the other plaques it was decorated with a line of knobs (in this case nine in number) which occupy its entire length. The knobs were emphasized by a step-like design surrounding the object at their base. On other plaques the background is often crosshatched and the knobs decorated with various patterns of crosses, stars, loops and circles. The plaque was found in the context of late Troy II or possibly Troy III, in any case the latter third millennium, as were the two other plaques found subsequently at Troy. 

        One other plaque is known from the Aegean, from Lerna, in a context of similar date. A further example comes from Altamura in Apulia and one from Malta. But the home of the plaques is in the Castelluccian Culture of Sicily, where a score of examples is known and one unfinished piece proves local manufacture(13). The revision of Castelluccian dating made possible by the C14 dates from La Muculufa now places these bone exactly contemporary with the Aegean pieces(14)
       The lengthwise curvature of the majority of these pieces, which were fashioned from the long bones of sheep or goats, and their concave underside make it difficult, if not impossible to find any practical application for them(15). They cannot be appliquÚs for furniture. They do not work as handles. Finally, they have been seen as figurines emphasizing mamillary characteristics to the exclusion of other features(16). But holes bored in four of the plaques hint that in some cases these objects were suspended around a wearer's neck(17). The plaques, in the long and universal tradition of amulets and religious medals, may well have been talismans. But along the sailing route from west to east they would also have served admirably as tokens of identification, a protection in a world in which the stranger was shielded only by the gods of hospitality and by men bound to him by ties of guest-friendship. These plaques thus would have played the role of the Masonic ring and the Rotarian's lapel pin in the commerce of the third millennium B.C(18)
       The development of contacts between the Aegean and the central Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age (Aegean terminology) are well known. They were not restricted to commercial contact, reaching beyond the Aegean to Cyprus and the Near East as well, but included the export of industries, advances in mining and smelting, pottery manufacture, and ivory and glass working from east to west(19). At the same time Sicily also saw the formation of petty despotisms on the Mycenean model that persisted until the arrival of the Greek colonists of the eighth century B.C(20)
      The Aegean and the central Mediterranean, what was to become the Greco-Roman sphere, was set off from its eastern neighbors by the persistence of the village as the fundamental social and political unit. In the Orient the metropolis appeared in the fourth millennium and with it that evil monster oriental despotism(21). But in Greece we find Homer's village, that we know best from the Odyssey, which even if representing the reality of life in the Geometric Age when the age-old traditions that fused in Homer's epics were consolidated is also representing an age-old reality of the Aegean world. And this is the village-state of Italy and Sicily, as it was remembered in the Homeric tradition, the Phaeacia of Nausithoos or the town of the Laestrygonians. This is a community where leadership is unstable because leadership belongs to the most dynamic leader in a body of citizen peers. This is a community that is never so large that the every citizen peer cannot participate directly in government. This situation gave vitality first to the village and then to the ancient city-state, and to endure as a city-state, the city-state could never grow past the limits of citizen participation in government. The ancient city-state remained a village(22)
      The Greek village turned city-state could not avoid tyranny(23). But it did renounce despotism, and early Greek history, as understood by Herodotus, culminated in the battle of free citizens pitted against armies of slaves, slaves in war and slaves in their own countries. For the Greeks this was the significance of the Persian Wars. And the rejection of the orient also called the Sicilian Greeks to battle against the Phoenician colonists of Carthage(24).
      It is important to note that the flow of materials, crafts and craftsmen, merchants and soldiers and travellers across the boundaries between our Italo-Aegean world and the orient, and borrowing from the orient whether in myth or in art, did not undermine the identity of the Greeks, Italians and Sicilians(25). But we have not faced the question what it was that permitted the citizen villages to unite in the face of great powers. The answer lies in the sanctuaries of early Greece and Italy and the power of federation, temporary or permanent, that the federal associations based on them gave to their members.
      In the early historical age of both Greece and Rome the federal sanctuary is an established force. In Greece the Amphictiony of Delphi and Anthela is the best known but the title also applies to the associations of cities which gathered at Delos in the islands, at Kalauria in Ionia and at Onchestos for Boeotia(26). In Italy the Latins assembled at the Grove of Diana at Aricia. The Etruscans met at the shrine of Voltumna. The Samnites had their federal Diana as well(27)
      But what is the prehistory of such places and the cooperation they promoted? At first glance the Greek amphictonies and the Italian leagues might seem to have developed only in the late Iron Age. To judge from the physical evidence in mainland Greece Bronze Age religion is a matter of house shrines. The Mycenean palace archives, moreover, inform us that the main figures of the Olympian pantheon (with the exception of Apollo) are all present receiving their due and, at Pylos at least, religion was regulated by the palace. And this fact is the key to question of the cult center. The cult center is the palace. The great megaron of the palace is already a temple. The tradition behind the "palaces" both of mainland Greece and of Crete reaches back to what I have termed "places of deposit" of the Early Bronze Age, among them Troy, and Lerna(28). None of these Early Bronze Age buildings (or in the case of Troy, groups of building) were part of a city or even a town. Their existence and the economy of their wealth, therefore, must have depended on a surrounding association of villages. The making of a later Bronze Age "state", such as that dominated by the palace at Pylos, was thus probably prefigured in the third millennium. If the authority centered on such places came to be exercised more by a king than by the common interest of villages, this development simply masked the original religious basis for the existence of such places(29). The story of the Achaean armada against Troy, immortalized in the Iliad, sprang from the power of the palace-sanctuaries to organize grand undertakings through their kings.
      In Crete the situation may have been similar during the Mycenean domination to which we owe the linear-B tables from the island. The early Minoan world also concealed its past by its precocious urban development, although one may hypothesize that the Minoan palace, like its Mycenean counterpart, was also a sanctuary descended from Early Bronze Age "places of deposit"(30). But one may also speculate that the peak and cave sanctuaries of early Crete were not without political function for the various villages that frequented them(31)
      Excavations of the last two decades have firmly established the existence of regional sanctuaries in Castelluccian Sicily. At La Muculufa the comparison of finely decorated pottery with that of other sites confirms the argument that this sanctuary, 14 km. inland from the mouth of the Salso River, served as a gathering place for the people of the valley as far inland as Caltanissetta. And the nature of the Castelluccian sanctuary in this region has been brilliantly illuminated by the excavations of Giuseppe Castellana at Monte Grande (Palma di Chiaro)(32). On the Italian mainland there is evidence of open-air sanctuaries in Latium and the Marche and important deposits in caves, for example the Grotto of Pertosa (Salerno) and Latronico (Potenza) are the result of cults practiced on the spot(33). The traditions surrounding Alba Longa suggest that the Latin confederation could look back to origins in the Bronze Age(34)
      While the elements of village and sanctuary existed in the Spanish peninsula and northern Europe the resulting bonds lack the strength of those forged in the Aegean and central Mediterrean(35). At the end of the Bronze Age in Sardinia, however, the sanctuaries which developed around sacred wells suggest a pattern with which we are familiar from Italy and the Aegean.
      On the basis of the foregoing evidence, the central Mediterranean, including Italy, Sicily and the Aegean, acquires its claim to a distinct and potent form of social and political life, based on elements small enough to maintain a tradition of citizen peers in government but endowed with the potential to form alliances and finally federations through regional sanctuaries. It is no exaggeration to say that the force of united Greece and of Roman Italy sprang from these prehistoric roots. Alexander the Great led a tribal state and a Greek league (the League of Corinth) against the Persian Empire. The Roman confederation first halted Carthage and then conquered the Mediterranean and beyond. That same confederation was founded and directed by a Mediterranean village. But when the village became a metropolis, as happened at Rome, its democratic fabric could not endure and monarchy was the result. The Mediterranean village as a political force, however, was not dead. The Italian communes and the cities of northern Europe in the Middle Ages took up its role and the idea of federalism, founded on the model of the Roman confederation, was to be renewed by the American Republic and remains the model of larger political integration even as the world enters the twenty-first century A.D.
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  1. This paper was delivered at the I Congresso Internationale di Preistoria e Protostoria Siciliane, Corleone, July 1997.
  2. Bacci Spigo, Nuove ricerche a Messina, Mediterranean Archaeology, 5-6, 1992-93, p.15-22 and pl. 13.2 and in S. Tusa ed., Prima Sicilia !, 1997, no III, 7, p. 70
  3. A sympathetic review of archaeological theorizing is given by Trigger, B., A History of Archaeological Thought, Cambridge, 1989, but see Coubin, P., What is Archaeology?, Chicago, 1988 for the negative side. For recent developments, Bapty, I, and Yates, T.,eds., Archaeology after Structuralism, London, 1990, Hodder, I.,ed., Archaeological Theory in Europe: the last three decades, London, 1991.
  4. I freely acknowledge the primacy of Collingwood, R. G., The Idea of History, Oxford, 1946, in formulating these ideas (although were he alive, this archaeologist and philosopher -- a combination unknown among the latterday theorists -- would remind us that he was discussing historical situations in the study of which the disciplined imagination brings to bear an intimate knowledge of the written evidence). Collingwood, a neoidealist like Benedetto Croce, has recently been rediscovered by avant-garde theorists like Ian Hodder, see his Reading the Past, ed. 2, Cambridge, 1991, pp. 95-101. There is perhaps a trend in dusting off the thinkers of the decades before 1950 in the search for the golden key to the riddles of the mute past, for example Herbert D. G. Maschner, Darwinian Archaeology, New York, 1996. 
  5. Harding, A., The Myceneans and Europe, London, 1984.
  6. The Architecture of Ancient Greece, 3rd ed., New York and London, 1950 e.g. p. xviii, "Now it is not difficult for us to trace some relation between the environment of the Greek race and their expression in art. Their separation in small communities and their more or less independent development; the necessities which drove them to a seafaring life; circumstances, also, such as the extreme brilliancy, the lightness and bracing properties of their atmosphere; the clay, fine limestone and marble in which the soil abounded; the want of metal and other commodities which led to traffic with other lands...." This kind of national fixation is far from dead. Shanks, M.,in Classical Archaeology of Greece, London, 1996, gives us a book about the archaeology of the ancient Greeks written as if those same Greeks were confined within t he boundaries of the modern Greek state. 
  7. One scholar has insisted on the cultural unity of our area in the Neolithic: Maria Gimbutas in The Goddesses and Gods of Old Europe, London, 1974 (revised ed. 1982). Although her approach to the question of interpreting the figures, figurines and pottery decoration of the Aegean, southern Italy and Sicily, the Danube Valley and Ukraine was unabashedly impressionistic and chronologically insecure, her vision of a spiritual imperative operating through figure and design cannot be easily dismissed (see Hutton, R., The Neolithic Great Goddess: a Study in Modern Tradition in Antiquity LXXI, 1997, pp. 91-99). Discussion of the forces that led to the separation of the Danubian and Urkranian regions from the Mediterranean province of the Neolithic decorated pottery sphere is beyond the scope of this paper because they had already acted before the opening of the Bronze Age. They must be related, of course, to that regression from the promising beginning of concentrated village life at sites such as Karanovo in Bulgaria to the dispersed or underdeveloped nature of the Illyrian, Dacian, Thracian and Scythian peoples known to the Greeks and Romans. See Bailey, D. W., and Panayotov, I.,eds., Prehistoric Bulgaria, Madison, Wis., 1995 and for an illuminating study of regression in the context of world system analysis but with much attention to prehistory see Ekholm, K., On the Structure and Dynamics of Global Systems in Kahn, J. S. and Llobera, J. P.. eds., The Anthropology of Pre-Capitalistic Societies, London, 1981, pp. 241-261.
  8. Italy and the Aegean: 3000-700 B.C., Providence and Louvain, 1981.
  9. Of the Gaudo cemeteries only one has been properly published, R. R. Holloway R. R. et al., Buccino, The Eneolithic Necropolis of S. Antonio and other Prehistoric Discoveries made in 1968 and 1969 by Brown University, Rome, 1973.
  10. The textile industry in the United States was created without benefit of the import of any machinery by Samuel Slater, who memorized the necessary information and thus "exported" -- against all the prohibitions of a mercantilist state --the needed technical knowledge from England, see Tucker, B. M., Samuel Slater and the origins of the American Textile Industry, Ithaca, 1984.
  11. This position was argued in detail by Holloway, R. R.,Gaudo and the East in Journal of Field Archaeology III, 1976, pp. 143-158.
  12. Ilios, London, 1881, fig. 983.
  13. References in Holloway, R. R., Italy and the Aegean, Providence and Louvain, 1981, pp. 1-2, the unfinished piece is from Ragusa, Archeologia nella Sicilia sud-orientale, 1973, no. 70. To the group there may now be added Holloway, R. R., et al., La Muculufa, the Early Bronze Age Sanctuary: the Early Bronze Age Village (Excavations of 1982 and 1983) in Revue des Archéologues et Historiens d'Art de Louvain XXIII, 1990, p. 48, fig. 71. The most recent summary is by Setti, B. and Zanini, A., Gli ossa a globuli nell'antica età del bronzo del Mediterraneo in Cocchi Genick, D., ed., L'antica età del bronzo, Florence, 1996, pp. 622-624.
  14. Ibid.,pp. 64-65.
  15. One of the Troy pieces, above note 10, was made of a white gypsum-like substance.
  16. This view originally put forward by Evans, J. D., Bossed Bone Plaques of the Second Millennium in Antiquity XXX, 1956, pp. 80-03 has now been espoused by Tusa, S., La Sicilia nella preistoria, Palermo, ed. 2, 1992, p. 363.
  17. In addition to the Trojan piece, they are a plaque from Comiso, Syracuse Museum no. III 33/82, Castelluccio, Syracuse Museum unnumbered and Grotta Lazzaro, Orsi, P., in Ausonia I, 1906, pp. 1-12 and Sicilia Archeologica XII, 1979, p. 99, fig. 18.
  18. The distribution of the bell beakers (and their associated artifacts) in northern Europe, the Iberian peninsula and then as far east as Sicily illustrates another sphere of movement and recognition of the members of an international association. In this case drinking was evidently an important part of the fellowship, as it has been ever after when sealing fraternal bonds. See Harrison, R. J., The Beaker Folk, London, 1980 and Waldren, W. H. and Kennard, R. C.., eds., Bell Beakers of the Western Mediterranean: ("The Oxford International Conference"), 2 vols., Oxford, 1986 and Tusa, S., Selinunte e il suo territorio, analisi storica e progetto di ricognizione in La Preistoria in Sicilia, Palermo, n. d., pp. 49-64.
  19. The literature is large and growing. In addition to Holloway cited in note 6 see Marazzi, M., Tusa. S. and Vagnetti. L., eds., Traffici Micenei nel Mediterraneo, Taranto, 1986. More recent summaries are given by Holloway, R. R. Italy and the Central Mediterranean in the Crisis Years, in Ward, W. A.and Joukowsky, M., eds., The Crisis Years: the 12th Century B.C., Dubuque, 1989, with bibliography, V.La Rosa, Influenze di tipo egeo e paleogreco in Sicilia in Kokalos XXXIX-XL,1993-94, vol. I:1, pp. 9-69. For mining and smelting now see Giardino, C., Il Mediterraneo Occidentale fra XIV ed VII secolo a.C., cerchie minerarie e metallurgiche, Oxford, 1995, for pottery manufacture, ivory and glass see references in Holloway, Italy and the Central Mediterranean cit. 
  20. Holloway, R. R.,Synoicism in Bronze Age Sicily in Malone, C. and Stoddart, S. eds., Papers in Italian Archaeology, IV vol. 3, Oxford, 1985, pp. 389-398.
  21. The classic treatment is Wittfogel, K. A., Oriental Despotism, New Haven, 1957.
  22. The essential nature of the Greek village throughout Greek history was first stressed, to my knowledge, by Oswald Spengler, in Der Untergang des Abendlands, Munich, 1923. For government in the Homer's village the classic treatment is that of Finley, M. I., The World of Odysseus, rev. ed., New York 1978. See also Donlan, W. T. C. G., The Village Community of Ancient Greece, London, 1993. An objection to our view of the continuity of village life in Greece may be advanced by those who still believe in a general replacement of the original population of the peninsula by Greek speakers at the end of the Early Bronze Age. The problem of the arrival of the Indo-European groups in Europe and Asia Minor is, however, a matter of debate. For differing views see Drews, R., The coming of the Greeks : Indo-European conquests in the Aegean and the Near East, Princeton, 1988 and Renfrew, C., Archaeology and language : the puzzle of Indo-European origins, Cambridge, 1988. Indeed W. F. Wyatt has suggested that rather than being imported the Greek language was formed in Greece, The Indo-Europeanization of Greece in G. Cardona, Hoenigswald, H., and Senn, A., eds. Indo-European and Indo-Europeans, Philadelphia, 1970, pp. 89-111.

  23.        Development toward a city-village in the Bronze Age of the Aegean and Italy was not exclusively a post Bronze Age phenomenon. There were cities in Crete by Middle Minoan times. The phenomenon of urbanism in Minoan Crete has been little studied, and the Minoan cities decayed with Minoan civilization. To what degree these cities brought with them the suppression of citizen government is a matter of debate. See Damiani Indelicato, S., Piazza Pubblica e Palazzo nella Creta Minoica, Rome, 1982 and in general, Krzyskowska, O. and Nixon, L.,eds. Minoan Society. Proceedings of the Cambridge Colloquium, Bristol, 1981. In Italy at the end of the Bronze Age the "terramare" of the Po Valley also represent a phase of planned urban development. Although the initial recognition of this phenomenon by Luigi Piggorini has has long been challenged, recent excavations at Poviglio (Reggio Emilia) show that his interpretations were well founded, cf. Bernabò Brea, M., Poviglio (Reggio Emilia). La terramare Santa Rosa in Bollettino di Archeologia, V-VI, 1990, pp. 126-129 and Bernabò Brea, M. and Mutti, A.,Le terramare si scavano per concimare i prati (Catalogo della mostra) , l994.
  24. Greek tyrannies were notoriously unstable. None lasted very far into the second generation.
  25. Let no one forget the significance of those victories on the east and western fronts of the Aegean and western cultural sphere. E. A. Freeman did not exaggerate when he wrote (The History of Sicily, vol. II, London, 1891, p. 169), "It was one of the supreme moments in the history of the world, when the life and civilization of Europe, as yet confined to a single nation, was threatened in its two chief seats by two such powers, each of them, from different points of view, such really worthy adversaries, as those which now combined to sweep Hellas from the earth."
  26. On Greece and the East see Burkert, W, The orientalizing revolution : Near Eastern influence on Greek culture in the early archaic age , Cambridge, Mass., 1992. 
  27. von Pauly, A. F., and G. Wissowa, G., eds. Realencyclopädie der classischen Altermuswissenschaft, Stuttgart, 1890 ff. s.v. Amphiktuonia.
  28. Ibid. s.v. Latinischer Städtebund, Voltumna, also Salmon, E. T., Samnium and the Samnites, Cambridge, 1967, p. 179.
  29. On the focal buildings of the Early Bronze Age Hagg, R.and Consola, D., Early Helladic Architecture and Urbanization, Gotenborg, 1986.
  30. On Mycenean religion see Ventris, M. and Chadwick, J., Documents in Mycenean Greek, 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1973, pp. 125-129, Adrados, F., Les institutions religieuses mycÚéniennes in Minos 11, 1972, pp. 170-203 and from an archaeological perspective Hagg, R., and Marinatos, N., Sanctuaries and Cults in the Aegean, Gotenborg, 1981, Renfrew, C., The archaeology of cult : the sanctuary at Phylakopi, London, 1985, Rutkowski, B., The Cult Places of the Aegean, 2nd, ed., New Haven, 1986.
  31. As argued most recently by Castleden, R., The Knossos Labyrinth, London, 1989, see also Indelicato in note 19 for the transformation of the Cretan village under the influence of the palace.
  32. Marinatos, N., Minoan Religion, Columbia, S. C.,1993, see also Hagg and Marinatos and Rutkowski in note 25. 
  33. S. S. Lukesh, S. S. in Holloway et al. cited in note 8 pp. 36-37, Castellana, G., in Il Santuario del bronzo antico di Monte Grande (Agrigento) problemi di contatti culturali e seriazione della ceramiche castellucciane agrigentine in in Cocchi Genick, D., ed., L'antica età del bronzo, Florence, 1996, pp. 501-508 with other pertinent bibliography. Documentation regarding the possible sanctuary at San Giuliano, Caltanissetta where a number of human figurines were found is unsatisfactory, see Orlandini, P., Idoletti della prima età del bronzo da Catanbissetta in Kokalos XII, 1966, pp. 36-39. (Added bibliography: G. Castellana, Il santuario castellucciano di Monte Grande e l'approvigionamento dello zolfo nel Mediterraneo nell'età del bronzo, Palermo, 1998).
  34. Guidi, A., and Piperno, M., Italia preistorica, Rome, 1992, p 461, Pertosa, Trump, D., Central and southern Italy before Rome, London and New York, 1965, p. 118, Latronico, Guidi and Piperno, p. 504.
  35. The legend of Ascanius and the white sow, Fabius Pictor in Diodorus 7.3 et alibi.
  36. See Diáz-Andreu, M., and Keary, S., eds., The Archaeology of Iberia, London, 1996 and in general Cunliffe, B., ed., The Oxford Illustrated Prehistory of Europe, Oxford, 1994.